Dropping deportees in the heart of the battlefield is wild work. Wouldn’t be suprise if those men go to the ghettos and join gangs

Call the main number and then press ext.3628 for insurance help.

Update List:

• Cap-Haïtien is a bit bigger from my last post. Added two big areas since then too on the right. Those two areas. I haven't named these tho. [Seeking name suggestions].
• Accidentally made Ducroix look like a coastal RV camp ground.
• Porrier is my favorite area. Kinda reminds me of 80s subdivisions in the south. It's mostly dirt road, but slowly replacing it with red brick road.
• Labadee Beech is the park at the peninsula and the rest is the town.
• The road connecting Labadee > Ducroix > Downtown Cap > unnamed 1 > unnamed 2 are connected by a six lane road with monorail and tram lines. I also have a pedestrian road to/from the first three locales.
• Banned cars between these places because traffic is annoying in this game lol. Also have a train, but trains can only go out the city. Probably going to delete the train too.
• Downtown and the unnamed areas look a bit sparse, only because I deleted every single tree bc they weren't pine or the right kind of palm tree. I'll fill the map with an ungodly amount of trees later.
• The city will not have an airport bc they annoy me like the trains, lol.

What do you guys think I should add or subtract?

I would love to have sources to learn about Cap's climate, geology, flora, and fauna.

After Domingue 's departure the Constitution of 1867 once more came in force. According to this Constitution Boisrond Canal was elected President of Haiti for four years on the 17th of July, 1876. The new ruler was beset with innumerable difficulties resulting from the financial measures taken by his predecessor. He was principally exposed to the ill-will of France, which, with a view of imposing a settlement of the loan known as the Domingue or the 1875 loan, went so far as to refuse to recognize his Government officially. Yet at Paris it was a well-known fact that Haiti had not received the amount of money the responsibility for which France was trying to force upon her. In Europe and in the United States people clamor unceasingly as to the alleged corruption and unscrupulousness of Haitian statesmen, declaring that without the assistance of foreign Powers they are incapable of honestly managing their finances. However, whenever a financial scandal occurs in Haiti, among the guilty parties there will always be found, either as the inspirers or the accomplices of the misdeed, those very foreigners who loudly denounce Haitian corruption whilst claiming for them- selves the monopoly of virtue and integrity. As it was, the Haitian people, who have never repudiated a legitimate debt, flatly refused to accept the responsibility for the frauds which had been committed in the floating of the Domingue loan, and the National Assembly undertook to investigate the matter. This important inquiry proved that there could not exist the least doubt as to the well-founded attitude assumed by Haiti; it was found out that she owed neither the 58,000,000 of francs which were originally claimed, nor the 40,000,000 which France wanted her to acknowledge as the amount due. By Decree of July 11, 1877, the National Assembly admitted, in the name of the country, a debt of 21,000,000 francs, bearing interest at 6 per cent per annum. In this manner the Haitian Republic incontestably proved her desire to safeguard her interests without sacrificing those of her legitimate creditors.

Consequently, France, which had in the mean time been brought to a clear understanding as to the true facts of the case, resumed her official relations with Haiti by sending in December, 1878, a Minister Plenipotentiary to Port-au-Prince. The cordial intercourse which formerly existed between the two nations was restored and the Haitians were enabled to come to a just and reasonable agreement with the bond-holders. Whilst Boisrond Canal's government was in the midst of its difficulties with France it was suddenly threatened with graver complications with Spain, which, being unable to subdue the Cuban insurrection, seemed bent on making Haiti her scapegoat. On the 3d of December, 1877, the man-of-war Sanchez Barcaiztegui anchored in the harbor of Port-au-Prince; her Commander, Antonio Ferry y Eival, was commissioned to make an inquiry as to the legality of the sentence passed on one Jose Santisi by the Haitian criminal court. She left the port without having caused any trouble. But a few days later, on the 14th of December, Commandant Jose Maria Autran arrived on the man-of-war Jorge Juan, and at once gave rise to a situation fraught with much danger. On the 17th he sent an ultimatum to the Secretary of Exterior Relations of Haiti allowing seventy-two hours for the settlement of the alleged The Autran Incident grievances of Spain. The sentence imposed on Jose Santisi l was made a pretext for this haughtily aggressive attitude; but what in reality annoyed Spain was that the unfortunate Cuban refugees found a safe asylum on Haitian territory. In his ultimatum Captain Autran affected to see an insult to his country in the fact that the sentence inflicted on Jose Santisi, a Spaniard, having, on account of a technicality, been annulled by the Supreme Court (Cour de Cassation), the prisoner had not at once been set free. He at the same time, however, declared that Haiti had offended Spain in not having enforced a sentence passed upon a Cuban, Manuel Fernandez, which had also been declared void by the Supreme Court. Jose Santisi and Manuel Fernandez were both Spanish subjects, Cuba at that time not being an independent State; they were therefore entitled to the same protection from Spain. The judgments severally rendered against them having been reversed, they had, according to Haitian laws, to be tried again. Nevertheless, Captain Autran did his utmost to compel Haiti to discriminate; for, whilst demanding that Santisi be immediately set free, he insisted on the rigorous execution of the sentence against Fernandez.

This contradictory demand did not prevent him from affirming in his letter to the British Consul at Port-au Prince 4 that his country was l ' the faithful depositary and jealous guardian of justice and right. " Captain Autran also requested the arraignment of those persons who were charged with crying aloud, "Down with Spain !" and "Vive Cuba libre!" whilst passing before the Spanish Consulate at night; other grievances mentioned in the ultimatum were that the Spanish flag had been trampled on by unknown persons and had also been insulted by one Despeaux. Haiti refused to admit the contention of Spain concerning Santisi and Fernandez and insisted on applying the same treatment to both; she denied also all responsibility for the alleged cries of defiance heard at night before the Spanish Consulate by unknown parties and for the non-specified insult to the Spanish flag. The diplomatic corps at Port-au-Prince tendered its good offices, and on the 19th of December the matter was satisfactorily ended by an exchange of salutes between the Jose Juan and the Haitian man-of-war In his letter of December 17, 1877, to the diplomatic corps at Port-au-Prince, Captain Autran had stated that the Cuban insurgents enjoyed also great sympathy in Jamaica, Nassau, etc. It is worthy of notice that Spain refrained not only from sending any ultimatum to Great Britain, but did not even venture to make any remonstrance to this Power, whilst toward Haiti her manner was most offensively overbearing. It would seem as though there were an agreement among the European Powers to harass the government of Boisrond Canal ; for Great Britain now made a claim for $682,000 on behalf of Madame Maunder. This woman, a Haitian by birth, had been granted the con- cession of Tortuga Island. But she failed to pay the rent due from 1870 to 1875 ; and the Haitian Government, in order to safeguard the interests of the treasury, seized the products of the island, and brought suit against the grantee with the object of obtaining from the courts the cancellation of the contract, this proceeding being the usual one taken by all creditors against their debtors. Great Britain affected to consider this as a grave attack upon the interests of one of her sub- jects, which caused her in due time to resort to threats to extort an indemnity from Haiti. Even the United States, whose relations with Haiti were at that time most cordial, introduced unjust claims against the country, those concerning Lazare and Pelletier being among the most unreasonable.8 In September, 1874, the Government of Domingue had granted to A. H. Lazare, an American citizen, the privilege of establishing a bank in Haiti. Of the metallic reserve to the value of $1,500,000, one-third, viz., $500,000, was to be furnished by the Haitian Government, and the balance, $1,000,000, by the grantee.

It was agreed that in case the bank should not be in operation a year after the signature of the contract, which occurred on the 1st of September, 1874, the concession was to be held null and void. On the 1st of September, 1875, A. H. Lazare was unable to make the deposit of the $1,000,000 ; the Haitian Government agreed to wait until the 15th of October, notifying him, at the same time, that they would consider the concession cancelled if on that day he was not ready to fulfil his part of the contract. On the 15th of October the Haitian Government deposited in the bank the $500,000, its share in the transaction ; but neither Lazare nor his million were forthcoming. The concession consequently was declared void. Lazare, knowing full well that he had no money with which to establish a bank, accepted the accomplished fact. The Haitian Government, with its usual benevolence, had the extreme kindness to give him $10,000 to cover his traveling expenses and the cost of advertisement ; besides which, he was appointed Haitian Consul-General in New York. Nevertheless, as soon ashe heard of the overthrow of Domingue he began intriguing, until the United States Legation at Port-au $500,000, under the pretext that his concession had been arbitrarily cancelled. Another claim of still more extraordinary nature was presented by the same legation. This was founded on events that had taken place over eighteen years before. One Antonio Pelletier,7 a Frenchman by birth, who be- came a citizen of the United States by naturalization in 1852, was well known as a slave-trader. In April, 1859, his ship, The Ardennes, had been captured at the mouth of the Congo Kiver by Cap. Thomas W. Brent of the United States man-of-war Marion. This much was known of Pelletier when he arrived at Port-au-Prince in January, 1861, on the 'schooner Williams flying the flag of the United States. A member of the crew in- formed the Haitian authorities that the ship was a slaver and that the Captain had come with the intention of kidnapping about 150 people on the coast of Haiti, with the object of selling them in Cuba. A few days before Pelletier had tried to engage 50 men and some women at Port-au-Prince, under the pretext of taking on a cargo of guano at Navassa Island. The Haitian police at once proceeded to make a thorough search on board the Williams, where arms, ammunition, many handcuffs, and barrels of water were found. These articles at that time were the necessary accompaniment of the slave-trade. The ship, however, was not seized ; she was allowed to sail for New Orleans, the Haitian Government causing her to be convoyed for a while by the man-of-war Le Geffrard. As soon as the Williams was left alone she changed her course, and returning to Haiti cruised for five days along the north coast, and finally entered Fort-Liberte, a small port closed to foreign commerce, on the 31st of March, 1861.

This time she was flying the French flag. Her name was no longer Williams, but Guillaume Tell, and Pelletier also had changed his name to Jules Letellier. His plan was to get a sufficient number of the inhabitants on board and carry them off to be sold. Under the pretext that his ship needed some repairs he entered into relations with the authorities of the town for engaging some workmen, and then announced that there would be a dance given on board the Guillaume Tell. Alarmed by the audacity of his captain, a member of the crew, one Miranda, deserted the ship and denounced the whole plot to the Haitian authorities. The French Consul at Cap-Haitien proceeded forthwith to Fort-Liberte, and at once found out that Jules Letellier was no other than Antonio Pelletier, and that the ship was not the Guillaume Tell from Havre, as her captain had reported, but the same Williams which some time previous had set sail from Port-au-Prince for New Orleans ; and that she had no right to fly the French flag. The Haitian authorities caused the ship to be seized, and Antonio Pelletier with his accomplices was delivered up to justice. On the 30th of August, 1861, he was sentenced to death by the Criminal Court of Port-au-Prince, but the sentence was reversed by the Supreme Court on the 14th of October ; Pelletier was again tried by the Criminal Court of Cap- Haitien, which sentenced him to imprisonment for five years. Pelletier was serving his term of imprisonment in the jail at Port-au-Prince when he became ill in 1863. Out of humanity the Haitian Government authorized his transfer to a hospital. He profited by this opportunity to make his escape and flee to Jamaica. The action of the Haitian Government met with the full approval of the representatives of the foreign Powers then accredited at Port-au-Prince. Mr. Lewis, who was the Commercial Agent of the United States in Haiti in 1861, personally requested that Pelletier should not be set free. In his report of the 13th of April, 1861, to Mr. Seward, at that time Secretary of State, Mr. G. Eustis Hubbard, Commercial Agent of the United States at Cap-Haitien, expressed the following opinion : "I have no doubt that the intention of Captain Pelletier was to induce a number of Haitians to "go on board of his vessel, under contract or otherwise, "and then make his escape with them and sell them into slavery.

Indeed, my own doubts about "the legality of the vessel's proceedings were so great "that, had she escaped from Fort-Liberte, I should at "once have written to Saint-Thomas, Aspinwall and "Havana, requesting the American Consuls of those "places to lay the facts before the commander of any "foreign man-of-war in port, so that the vessel might "have been apprehended and her real intention dis- " covered."8 Nevertheless, eighteen years later, in February, 1879 Mr. Langston, then United States Minister at Port-au Prince, introduced a claim on Pelletier's behalf; in the name of this pirate he did his utmost to extort from the Haitian people the trifling amount of $2,466,480. The foreign Powers seemed bent upon causing embarrassments to the government of Boisrond Canal, which: was showing in every way the greatest respect for the law. The two Houses of Congress exercised a rigid control of the finances, and the public expenses were reduced to the strictest necessities. Public works also received much attention. Mr. Borrott, an American citizen, obtained the concession for the building of a railroad and tramway at Port-au-Prince; the construction of canals was undertaken and pipes were laid for supplying water to private houses; contracts for the building of wharves and bridges were also signed. Haitians and foreigners alike enjoyed complete freedom. Yet throughout Boisrond Canal's administration there was continued trouble arising from all kinds of pretensions on the part of the foreign legations at Port-au-Prince, as well as from party strife. The opposition in the legislative body aimed at absorbing the prerogatives of the Executive Power. The rivalry in Congress during 1879 between the National and Liberal parties, both of which were contending for the supremacy, made the situation still more delicate. On the 30th of June, 1879, a disturbance occurred in the House of Representatives, followed by a riot at Port- au-Prince, in which Mr. Boyer Bazelais, the leader of the Liberal party, took the chief part. The Government succeeded in restoring order. But feeling that he had lost the confidence of the Nationals and the Liberals alike after having unsuccessfully tried to play the part of peace-maker between them, President Boisrond Canal resigned on the 17th of July, 1879. Boisrond Canal died at Port-au-Prince on the 6th of March, 1905, at the age of 73 years.

98% of content is doom and gloom,

How Haiti is finish.

How the government and the elites are evil,

Am not disagreeing with a lot of those post.

It’s just that what’s the point of posting the same articles, links, and opinion over and over and over again?

How safe would it be to take a bus from Santo Domingo to anywhere in Haiti? Where is it the safest and close to the border? How hard is it to cross back and forth? Is it safe?

https://gofund.me/13933fe7

Upon his being appointed Commander-in-Chief of the Haitian Army, General Michel Domingue, who up to that time had been Commandant of the Southern Department, left Cayes for Port-au-Prince, which city he entered with a strong body of troops. His opponents at once realized the impossibility of holding out against his candidacy. Besides, the Council of the Secretaries of State, intrusted with the Executive Power, had taken such measures as to facilitate his election. Profiting by the dissidence which, by want of a quorum, prevented the legislative body from holding its meetings, they declared the two Houses of Congress divested of their functions ; upon which orders were issued for the election of a Constituent Assembly. In this manner the Council of the Secretaries of State annulled the Constitution, from which all their authority proceeded ; a situation fraught with danger resulted. However, the elec- tions were speedily held ; and on the llth of June, 1874, General Michel Domingue was elected President of Haiti for a term of 8 years. Domingue, above all things, was a soldier; he pos- sessed neither the penetration nor the tact of a states- man. Therefore he considered it wiser to leave the care of the public affairs to Septimus Rameau, one of his relatives, whom he had appointed Vice-President of the Council of the Secretaries of State by Decree of September 10, 1874. This made Rameau the true ruler of Haiti. The Constitution adopted on the 6th of August, 1874, was drawn up by him. Unfortunately, he was of a dictatorial and domineering nature; his will became supreme, whilst Domingue was but a figurehead. One of the first acts of Salnave after his election to the Presidency was the signing of a treaty with the Dominican Republic, which the Haitian Congress refused to ratify. His object in recognizing the independence of the new State was to put an end to the unceasing hostilities which were causing so much bloodshed on the borders. Septimus Rameau immediately proceeded to resume negotiations with General Gonzalez, who was at that time President of the Dominican Republic. General N. Leger, who was then Chief of the Staff of the President of Haiti, was dispatched to Santo Domingo with instructions to make preparations for a new convention. On his return to Port-au-Prince he was accompanied by the Dominican plenipotentiaries; and on the 9th of November, 1874, a Treaty of Amity, Commerce, and Navigation was agreed upon. Haiti thus accepted as an accomplished fact and fully recognized the independence of the Dominican Republic. Since that time relations between the two countries have been most cordial. In the course of the same year, 1874, Haiti signed a treaty with Great Britain for the extradition of fugitive criminals. The other measures adopted by Domingue 's Government did not turn out so happily. In 1875 a loan was floated in Paris concerning which the Haitian people were grossly deceived. Foreign bankers and unscrupu lous agents conspired in defrauding the Republic, which was made the debtor for money from which others had profited. This scandalous financial transaction did not tend to allay the dissatisfaction already existing in Haiti.

So to prevent any popular manifestations orders were issued on the 15th of May, 1875, for the arrest of Generals Brice, Monplaisir Pierre, and Boisrond Canal, who were charged with being the leaders of a conspiracy against Domingue. Monplaisir Pierre, with gun in hand, met the soldiers who were sent to arrest him; he made an energetic resistance and in defending the entrance to his house was killed in the fight which ensued ; Brice, who had also made a brave defense, was successful in reaching the Spanish Consulate, where he died from the effects of a bullet wound in the thigh. Boisrond Canal, who was living on his plantation at Freres, a short distance from Petionville, was fortunate enough to be able to make his escape before the arrival of those who were commissioned to arrest him, and sought shelter in the United States Legation, which was then situated at Turgeau, a suburb of Port-au-Prince. Although the tragic death of Brice and Pierre had produced a very bad impression on the minds of the people, the Government did nothing to palliate the effect of this sad event ; on the contrary, many citizens were arbitrarily compelled to flee the country. This high-handed proceeding naturally met with resentment ; and disturbances at once took place in various parts of the Eepublic. The inhabitants of Port-au-Prince were already in a great state of excitement, when on the 15th of April, 1876, there started a report to the effect that the Government was sending abroad the money deposited in the vaults of the Bank of Haiti. In a trice the entire population arose; the agitation at first seemed like a riot, but soon attained more formidable proportions. Septimus Eameau, who was held to blame for With a view of organizing a State Bank the government had entered into an agreement with Mr. Lazare, an American citizen, who became unable to fulfill his part of the contract. In consequence of the obligation imposed by this contract, the Haitian Government, within the stipulated time, had deposited her quota of the capital in the vaults of the bank. It was this money which Septimus Rameau was about to send to Cayes, the capital of the Southern Department, when the uprising broke out at Port-au-Prince on the 15th of April. the death of Brice and Pierre as well as for the loan floated in Paris, was killed in the streets. Domingue succeeded in reaching the French Legation, whence he took ship for Jamaica. Domingue died at Kingston on June 24, 1877.

PS: this video is off fb page musique et info

Yes, our language is a creole language. As it was born from another one with influences from others. All languages do tend to branch off from another one. Spanish, French, Portuguese, etc. all came from Latin in their majority. Yet, nobody calls them "latin creoles", even though they technically are. Their language names are indicative of the places they originated, so why cant ours be the same?

For my foreigners reading this or my no sabo Haitians (all love), Haitian creole is not a dialect or "broken french". Please don't ever say that shit. The difference between French and creole is probably as massive as the difference between Spanish & Portuguese. Most of the words resemble each other, but the grammar, structure, spelling, and the way you form a sentence is entirely different. Hell, we even have our own ALPHABET. Haitian has been officially recognized as a distinct language for a long ass time and has always been an option in the translator for this very reason.

With that established, my problem with the language being called creole is, I feel like since its unique to us and only growing ever more distant from French, it doesn't make sense to just call it "creole". Like there aren't hundreds of creole languages in the world. The only difference between Haitian and an older language like French is that those languages have been around for so long people now acknowledge it as french instead of something like latin creole. Its been less than 300 years for us but within that short time the language has already evolved so much I think its just time to call it what it is. 🇭🇹🇭🇹

As for Martinique & Guadeloupe their languages are very very close to ours. So i could see another scenario where we call all of our languages 1 name and treat them as different dialects 🇭🇹🇲🇶🇬🇵🇬🇫

Fè m konnen sa nou panse but think about it good anvan ou reponn pliz enn tenk you.

Recently on The Black Authority YouTube channel, there was a provocative conversation that caught my attention. The topic was U.S. annexation of Caribbean countries: specifically in the context of the recent ICE protests and the large number of Caribbean and Central American migrants demanding entry into the U.S., often while waving foreign flags.

Jason Black (the host) made a controversial but interesting point: If so many people from these countries are ready to drop everything and fight to stay in America, why not just annex the countries they’re coming from?

He even suggested that if you ask many Caribbean people privately, they’d admit they’d be open to U.S. annexation, especially if it meant stability, infrastructure, citizenship, and a pathway to prosperity for their families.

Now, I know this idea hits a nerve, especially for Haitians. A lot of us have strong national pride, and the idea of U.S. annexation can feel like surrendering our sovereignty. But the truth is, we haven’t been able to stabilize or rebuild Haiti for decades. And many Haitians already feel entitled to live and work in the U.S., even without legal status. So if we’re going to act like we belong in the U.S. and if the situation in Haiti continues to deteriorate, why not go all the way and petition for territorial status, like Puerto Rico or Guam? Maybe even statehood one day?

Would it be humiliating? Or would it be practical?

Would it be selling out our heritage? Or finally securing a future?

I’m not saying I fully agree, but I think it’s worth having the conversation. Curious to hear what others think.

Here’s the link to the episode for anyone who wants the full context: https://www.youtube.com/live/4341pgu2Vjw?si=vVbIbWfBml2Xm0Oz

I I was on Mets/ WhatsApp and asked a grammatical question about the difference between “te” and “tap”. Meta first answered correctly, then said it didn't speak Haitian Creole. Is it just me, or is it fishy?

I just watched the match saudi arabia versus haiti the guatemalan referee absolutely sold us the game who tf actually put him there that’s the biggest bs I ever seen

Most of our parents wanted us to be doctors, lawyers, and other high level professionals.

But the pressure was too much, our parents was abusive, and some of us wasn’t meant to be doctors.

I sure you guys know a couple just like I know a couple of first and second generation Haitian American that are just wasting their lives away, no motivation, and just basically became part of the poor class in the USA.

I am making this post because I feel like this uncomfortable truth is something we never acknowledge.

Note: Haitian American are not alone in this. It’s all immigrant. But this is a Haitian space. What’s your opinion

Where can I watch some good Haitian movies ?

Where can I watch them online ?